In the 7th century, when the Tang dynasty threatened Japan’s very existence, a little-known soldier named Ōtomono no Hakama made a decision that would echo through history. Captured after the Battle of Baekgang, he learned in the Tang capital of an impending invasion of his homeland. Without the means to return, he sold himself into slavery so his companions could carry the warning back to Japan. His loyalty moved the Tennoh — Japan’s highest moral authority, descended directly from the sun goddess Amaterasu Ōmikami — to grant him the only known personal imperial edict ever given to a commoner: “To honor the court, to cherish the country, to sell oneself and reveal true loyalty.” This is the true story of “Sonchō Aikoku,” patriotism in its purest form.
Introduction – The True Meaning of “Aikoku”
When modern readers encounter the word aikoku (愛国), or “patriotism,” many imagine it to be a wartime slogan born in the twentieth century, tied to the Pacific War. Yet this is a misconception. In Japan, the term’s roots reach back over thirteen centuries. More importantly, it appears in one of the most extraordinary moments in our recorded history — in an imperial edict (choku, 勅) given directly from a Tennoh (天皇) to a single common subject. This is the only known example in Japanese history of such a personal imperial proclamation.
Here it is important to explain what Tennoh means, as it is often mistranslated into English as “Emperor,” which can cause confusion. In most Western contexts, an emperor is the supreme ruler and holder of ultimate political power. In Japan, however, the Tennoh is something fundamentally different: the nation’s highest authority, not the holder of executive or military power. The Tennoh’s legitimacy comes from an unbroken bloodline tracing directly back to the sun goddess Amaterasu Ōmikami (天照大御神) of the Kojiki and Nihon Shoki. This sacred lineage has made the Tennoh the symbolic and spiritual center of the nation — above politics, without ruling by force, embodying moral authority rather than political power.
The edict in question appears in the Nihon Shoki (Chronicles of Japan), Book 33, in the annals of Empress Jitō (持統天皇), in the year Jitō 4 (690 CE):
朕嘉厥尊朝愛国 売己顕忠
Ware, sono mikado o toutobi, kuni o omoi, onore o uri te,
mamenaru kokoro o arawasu koto o yorokobu.
(“I rejoice that you honored the Imperial Court,
cherished the realm, and even sold yourself to reveal your steadfast loyalty.”)
The recipient of this praise was Ōtomono no Hakama (大伴部博麻). For his deed, he was granted the court rank of Jushichi-i no ge (従七位下), ten bolts of silk, ten ton (屯) of silk floss weighing 1.68 kilograms, thirty bolts of cloth, one thousand bundles of rice, four chō (町) of irrigated rice fields, and, most exceptionally, full exemption from taxation not only for himself, but also for his father’s, mother’s, and wife’s families.
The Story Begins – East Asia in the Mid-7th Century
To understand why, we must turn the clock back thirty years.
In the 6th year of Empress Saimei’s reign (斉明天皇, 660 CE), the Tang dynasty of China, responding to a request from its ally Silla (新羅), appointed General Su Dingfang (蘇定方) to lead an expeditionary force of 130,000 troops from the Shandong Peninsula across the Yellow Sea to the Korean Peninsula. Landing in Baekje (百済), they seized the royal capital. King Uija (義慈王) fled to Ungjin (熊津), but soon surrendered. On the seventh day of the sixth lunar month, the ancient kingdom of Baekje fell.
At the time, Tang’s greatest military concern was Goguryeo (高句麗), a formidable northern power. Goguryeo had repeatedly defeated the Sui dynasty (隋), Tang’s predecessor, and those defeats had contributed to Sui’s collapse. Tang’s strategic question was how to subdue, or even destroy, Goguryeo. The answer was the ancient principle known as yuan jiao jin gong (遠交近攻) — “ally with the distant, attack the near.” By securing allies in Korea, Tang could attack Goguryeo from both north and south.
But here lay a complication: Baekje was firmly aligned with Wa (倭国, ancient Japan), while Silla lay beyond it on the peninsula. Tang’s solution was to land troops by sea in Baekje, seize it with Silla’s help, thus controlling the southern peninsula, and then jointly attack Goguryeo from both sides.
This plan succeeded: Baekje was destroyed.
Baekje’s Revival Movement and Japan’s Obligation
The fall of Baekje sparked a revival movement. Loyalists led by commanders such as Gwisil Bokseung (鬼室福信) and Heukchi Sangji (黒歯常之) rallied forces, inviting Baekje’s crown prince Buyeo Pung (豊璋王) — who had been living in Japan — to return and restore the kingdom.
Why was the prince in Japan? In the centuries since the legendary Three Han Conquest of Empress Jingū (神功皇后), a practice had developed: as a pledge of loyalty, Baekje would send its heir to the Wa court as a hostage prince. In return, Wa recognized Baekje as a tributary and protected ally. The destruction of Baekje thus obligated Wa to act militarily.
Japan Prepares for War – The Asakura Palace
At this time, Wa was ruled by Empress Saimei, with Crown Prince Naka no Ōe (中大兄皇子, later Tennoh Tenji) wielding supreme political authority. He secured imperial sanction (chokyo, 勅許) for a military expedition to the peninsula. Empress Saimei, despite being 68 years old, traveled with the court to Kyūshū, establishing a temporary palace — Asakura-no-Miya (朝倉宮) in Tsukushi Province (modern Asakura City, Fukuoka) — as the wartime headquarters.
Troops were levied according to the principles that would later be codified in the Taihō Code (Taihō Ritsuryō, 大宝律令). From Kyūshū and other provinces, men aged 20 to 60 were conscripted. Among them, from Yame District (八女郡) in Kyūshū, was a soldier named Ōtomono no Hakama.
The name reveals much about him. “Ōtomono” (大伴部) identifies him as belonging to the Ōtomo clan (大伴氏), an influential aristocratic lineage. The suffix -be (部) denotes the ancient be-min (部民制) system — hereditary occupational groups bound to serve a powerful clan. Thus, Hakama was a member of such a group under the Ōtomo.
The Death of the Empress and Continuation of the Campaign
In 661 CE, as the expedition was underway, Empress Saimei died at Asakura Palace. Shortly before her passing, she composed the famous poem:
Nigitatzu ni / funanori se-mu to / tsuki mateba / shio mo kanainu / ima kogiidena
(“At the harbor of Nigitatzu, waiting for the moon to board the ship,
the tide has also turned — now we set out to row.”)
– Attributed in the Manyōshū to Empress Saimei herself.
Crown Prince Naka no Ōe ascended as Tennoh Tenji and appointed Abe no Hirafu (阿倍比羅夫), a seasoned admiral who had led 180 ships against the Emishi just four years earlier, as commander of the expeditionary forces against Silla.
The Japanese force was organized into three echelons:
• Vanguard: over 10,000 troops (departed May 661)
• Main force: 27,000 troops (departed March 662)
• Rear guard: over 10,000 troops
The strategy was to return Prince Buyeo Pung with the vanguard, strengthen Baekje’s resistance, defeat Silla with the main force, and finally confront Tang with the combined might of all three echelons.
The Battle of Baekgang – Disaster at Sea
In Tenji 2 (663 CE), Japanese forces reached southern Baekje and expelled Tang troops. After over three years of campaigning, they advanced toward the Baekgang River, where Tang’s fleet arrived by sea. In the ensuing battle, around 400 of Japan’s roughly 1,000 ships were set ablaze. Baekje’s restoration collapsed when Prince Pung fled. Recognizing the futility of continued fighting, Japan withdrew.
Among those taken prisoner by Tang forces was Ōtomono no Hakama.
In Captivity – A Fateful Decision
Hakama was taken to Chang’an, the Tang capital. Surprisingly, prisoners were not strictly confined and could move about the city. One day, Hakama overheard alarming news: Tang was planning to invade Japan.
The gravity was clear — Japan faced existential danger. Hakama knew the information had to reach home. But he had no means to pay for the journey.
His solution was extreme. He turned to four companions — Hajibe no Tomi-to (土師連富杼), Hiyatsuko no O (氷連老), Tsukushi no Kimi no Satsuyama (筑紫君薩夜麻), and Yuge no Muraji no Mototakara (弓削連元宝の子) — and said:
“Sell me into slavery. Use the money for your passage back to Japan. Tell them of Tang’s plan to invade.”
They did as he asked. The proceeds bought clothing, provisions, and travel expenses. In Tenji 10 (671 CE), the four landed on Tsushima and reported to the island governor. The message reached the Dazaifu headquarters and then the Tennoh. Coastal defenses were strengthened, and the capital was moved to Ōmi.
Return and Recognition
Hakama remained in Tang for over twenty years. In Jitō 4 (690 CE), with the help of a Tang acquaintance, he finally returned to Japan. His act — selling himself into slavery to save his homeland — was recognized by Empress Jitō with the edict:
尊朝愛国 売己顕忠
(“To honor the court, to cherish the country, to sell oneself and reveal true loyalty.”)
Here, aikoku (愛国) is read kuni o omou — to think lovingly of one’s country. “Ai” (愛) means “to cherish, to think of with care”; “chū” (忠) means “a steadfast and sincere heart” (mamenaru kokoro). In this sense, aikoku is part of a broader virtue: the natural human inclination to care — for one’s parents, spouse, children, community, and, ultimately, the realm itself.
The Enduring Lesson
Ōtomono no Hakama was no superhuman warrior. He was an ordinary man who placed sincerity above self-interest. His example shows that in Japan, the path to heroism lies not in brute force but in steadfast integrity. Empress Jitō’s recognition of such virtue — in an age when most states glorified conquest — reflects a unique national ethos: to build and preserve the state through education, culture, and moral authority, rather than coercion.
This ethos remains a treasured part of Japan’s cultural heritage, and its roots can be traced, in part, to the quiet courage of one man who sold himself so that his homeland might be saved.
